国际名人的英语演讲稿

演讲稿一：

国际名人的英语演讲稿

five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

but one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the negro is still not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languishing in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. so we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

in a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

so we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god's children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

演讲稿二：

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

the world is very different now. for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. this much we pledge -- and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

to those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas. and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

so let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free." and, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort? in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. i do not shrink from this responsibility -- i welcome it. i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. my fellow citizens of the world, ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

演讲稿三：

as americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. we are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. we're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. we're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. and in this thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, almighty god.

we also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. on thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, america is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

the thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. and through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank god after suffering through a bitter winter. george washington held thanksgiving during a trying stay at valley forge. and president lincoln revived the thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

the past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. after lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating s again. volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. and when the children of beslan, russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw america's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

the greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. we're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. we're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. and we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and ma-ki-ng our entire nation proud.

like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. in the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. they've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in afghanistan, and help set iraq on the path to democracy.

our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. america is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this thanksgiving can know that america will honor their sacrifices forever.

as commander-in-chief, i've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and i've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. this month, i met shauna fleming, a 15-year-old from california who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. in october, i met ken porwoll, a world war ii veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a va medical center in minneapolis. and we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like give2thetroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

thanksgiving reminds us that america's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. i thank all those who volunteer this season, and laura and i wish every american a happy and safe thanksgiving weekend.

thank you for listening.

演讲稿四：

mr. president, mr. speaker, members of the congress of the united states:

the gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the congress. the foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. one aspect of the present situation, which i present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns greece and turkey. the united states has received from the greek government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. preliminary reports from the american economic mission now in greece and reports from the american ambassador in greece corroborate the statement of the greek government that assistance is imperative if greece is to survive as a free nation.

i do not believe that the american people and the congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the greek government. greece is not a rich country. lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

when forces of liberation entered greece they found that the retreating germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. more than a thousand villages had been burned. eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. inflation had wiped out practically all savings. as a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. under these circumstances, the people of greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. these are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. the greek government has also asked for the assistance of experienced american administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

the very existence of the greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. a commission appointed by the united nations security council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between greece on the one hand and albania, bulgaria, and yugoslavia on the other.

meanwhile, the greek government is unable to cope with the situation. the greek army is small and poorly equipped. it needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout greek territory. greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. the united states must supply this assistance. we have already extended to greece certain types of relief and economic aid. but these are inadequate. there is no other country to which democratic greece can turn. no other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic greek government.

the british government, which has been helping greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after march 31st. great britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including greece.

we have considered how the united nations might assist in this crisis. but the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the united nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

it is important to note that the greek government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to greece, and in improving its public administration. it is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward ma-ki-ng greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

no government is perfect. one of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. the government of greece is not perfect. nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the greek parliament who were chosen in an election last year. foreign observers, including 692 americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the greek people.

the greek government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. it has made mistakes. the extension of aid by this country does not mean that the united states condones everything that the greek government has done or will do. we have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. we have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

greek's [sic] neighbor, turkey, also deserves our attention. the future of turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of greece. the circumstances in which turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of greece. turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset greece. and during the war, the united states and great britain furnished turkey with material aid.

nevertheless, turkey now needs our support. since the war, turkey has sought financial assistance from great britain and the united states for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. that integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the middle east. the british government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to turkey. as in the case of greece, if turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the united states must supply it. we are the only country able to provide that help.

i am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the united states extends assistance to greece and turkey, and i shall discuss these implications with you at this time. one of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the united states is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. this was a fundamental issue in the war with germany and japan. our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

to ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the united states has taken a leading part in establishing the united nations. the united nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. we shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. this is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the united states.

the peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently hadtotalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. the government of the united states has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the yalta agreement in poland, rumania, and bulgaria. i must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

at the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. the choice is too often not a free one. one way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. the second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. it relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

i believe that it must be the policy of the united states to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

i believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

i believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

the world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. but we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the charter of the united nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. in helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the united states will be giving effect to the principles of the charter of the united nations.

it is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. if greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, turkey, would be immediate and serious. confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire middle east. moreover, the disappearance of greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

it would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

should we fail to aid greece and turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the west as well as to the east.

we must take immediate and resolute action. i therefore ask the congress to provide authority for assistance to greece and turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending june 30, 1948. in requesting these funds, i have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to greece out of the $350,000,000 which i recently requested that the congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

in addition to funds, i ask the congress to authorize the detail of american civilian and military personnel to greece and turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. i recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected greek and turkish personnel. finally, i ask that the congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. if further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, i shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the congress. on this subject the executive and legislative branches of the government must work together.

this is a serious course upon which we embark. i would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. the united states contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning world war ii. this is an investment in world freedom and world peace. the assistance that i am recommending for greece and turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. it is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. the seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. they spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. they reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

we must keep that hope alive.

the free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. if we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

演讲稿五：

my fellow citizens:

i stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. i thank president bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

forty-four americans have now taken the presidential oath. the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. at these moments, america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

so it has been. so it must be with this generation of americans.

that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. homes have been lost; s shed; businesses shuttered. our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

these are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that america’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

today i say to you that the challenges we face are real. they are serious and they are many. they will not be met easily or in a short span of time. but know this, america - they will be met.

on this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

on this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

we remain a young nation, but in the words of scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. the time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

in reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. it must be earned. our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. it has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

for us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

for us, they fought and died, in places like concord and gettysburg; normandy and khe sanh.

time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. they saw america as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

this is the journey we continue today. we remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on earth. our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. our capacity remains undiminished. but our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of rema-ki-ng america.

for everywhere we look, there is work to be done. the state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new s, but to lay a new foundation for growth. we will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. we will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. we will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. and we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. all this we can do. and all this we will do.

国际名人的英语演讲稿 [篇2]

how to be popular

most people would like to be popular with others, but not everyone can achieve this goal. what is the secret to popularity? in fact, it is very si-mp-le. the first step is to improve our appearance. we should always make sure that we stay in good shape and dress well. when we are healthy and well-groomed, we will not only look better but also feel better. in addition, we should smile and appear friendly. after all, our facial expression is an important part of our appearance. if we can do this, people will be attracted to our good looks and impressed by our confidence.

another important step is developing more consideration for others. we should always put others first and place their interests before our own. it's also important to be good listeners; in this way people will feel comfortable enough to confide in us. however, no matter what we do, we must not gossip. above all, we must remember to be ourselves, not phonies. only by being sincere and respectful of others can we earn their respect. if we can do all of the above, i am sure popularity will come our way.

如何才能受人欢迎

大部分的.人都想受人欢迎，但是并非每个人都能达到目标。受欢迎的秘诀何在?事实上是很简单的。步骤一，先改善我们的外表。我们得确保自己很健康，并且穿着体面。当我们既健康又穿戴整齐时，不仅看起来更有精神，自己也会觉得好多了。此外，我们要保持微笑并表现得很友善。毕竟，脸部表情是外观很重要的一环。如果我们能做到这一点，别人会被我们的美好外表所吸引，并对我们的自信印象深刻。

另一个重要步骤，就是培养对别人的体贴。永远以他人为重，并把别人的利益放在自己的利益之前。当个好听众也是很重要的;如此一来，别人才能很自在地对我们吐露心事。然而，不管我们做什么事，绝对不要说闲言闲语。最重要的是，要做自己，不要当虚伪的人。只有对人真诚又尊重时，才能赢得他人的尊敬。如果我们能做到以上几点，我相信受人欢迎是指日可待的事。

国际名人的英语演讲稿 [篇3]

Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.

This is the text of Earl Spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. There is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. Would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. The versions posted on several news services had minor errors. This is precisely as it was deliverd.

I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.

We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so.

For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.

Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.

Today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.

Only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.

We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.

There is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. There is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.

But your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. And if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.

Without your God-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of AIDS and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.

And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.

The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. The last time I saw Diana was on July the first, her birthday, in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.

She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting President Mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.

That meant a lot to her.

These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.

Fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.

There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked

endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspa-pe-rs.

I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling. My own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.

It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.

She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate. And I do this here, Diana, on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.

Beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.

We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. But we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.

William and Harry, we all care desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. How great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.

I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.

Above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.

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