美国著名的名人演讲稿精选

　　在美国这个自由的`国度里出现很多著名的演说家，他们的演讲总是激动人心。下面是百分网小编为你整理的美国名人演讲内容，欢迎参考阅读。

美国著名的名人演讲稿精选

　　美国名人演讲篇一

　　I have made a considerable amounts of public English speaking in my life, I am often asked why the crazy English method is better than other methods or if the crazy English method will help all English learners. My answer is, the method will help the English learners because it is a perfect match with the Chinese principles of diligence, self-help and determination. Mere exposure to English will not enable you to speak English. If you want to drive you have to get in the car and drive, if you want to dance you have to turn on the music and dance, if you want to swim you have to jump in the water and swim. In fact, swimming is the perfect comparison to learning English. You can’t learn to swim by sitting in a room and reading books about swimming skills. In order to be a swimmer you’ve got to conquer you fear, you’ve got to survive and suck in water, yell for help, you’ve got to lose face many times before you can make it. But, to be a good swimmer you’ve got to practice again and again. To be a great swimmer you have to practice for years until you can harmonize every part of your body and mind.

　　Finally, I want to greet you and encourage you to seize this unique opportunity to conquer English and make lifelong friends from all over our college. As you know, We are human beings ,not animals. We know what we want to do. We know our destiny is in our hands. With hard work and determination, we can do anything we set our mind to do. Today, I will accompany you every minute on this unique journey. I want you to open your heart, I want you to be devoted, I want you to be crazy, I want you to forget about your face, I want to open your mouth wildly, I want you conquer your lazineand all the other human weaknesses, I want you to overcome all the obstacles that hold you back.

　　I want to share your joy and I want to share your struggle, but most important of all, I want to share your glory and victory. We are the future of China, the future of Asian, and the future of the world. We desire to win, we must win, we will win, absolutely, definitely, and without any doubt! Form a painfully shy boy who felt terrible about himself, who regarded himself as human trash, a born loser, to an internationally recognized English promoter, I made it. So I strongly believe that you will make it too. I have confidence in you.

　　美国名人演讲篇二

　　My friends:

　　I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.

　　I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be. I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, ought to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen. I owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday. And I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about, I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.

　　First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault. It invests your money in many different forms of credit in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans. In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around. A comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen. In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.

　　What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold a rush so great that the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand. The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value. By the afternoon of March third, a week ago last Friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business. Proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the Governors in almost all the states. It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government's reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.

　　The second step, last Thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come. This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities. And I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress Republicansand Democrats alike showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.

　　The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.

　　This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. Remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week. Neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening. The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call. The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country. It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.

　　Another question you will ask is this: Why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple and I know you will understand it: Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated. We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.

　　As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities those banks, which on first examination by the Treasury, have already been found to be all right. That will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. That means about two hundred and fifty cities of the United States. In other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.

　　On Wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government's physical ability to complete its survey It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups.

　　Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open. A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.

　　I know that many people are worrying about State banks that are not members of the Federal Reserve System. There is no occasion for that worry. These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. And, of course, they are under the immediate control of the State banking authorities. These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks. And so I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.

　　It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals. Let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation. It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes the phantom of fear will soon be laid. People will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. I can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.

　　The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public on

　　its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.

　　美国名人演讲篇三

　　Dwight D. Eisenhower

　　Atoms for Peace

　　delivered 8 December 1953, United Nations General Assembly

　　Madam President, Members of the General Assembly:

　　When Secretary General Hammarskjolds invitation to address this General Assembly reachedme in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers andForeign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems thatbeset our world.

　　During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of melay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the GeneralAssembly of the United Nations.

　　At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense ofexhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for somany people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisionsduring these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.

　　But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confidentexpectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support ofthis body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, andhappiness and well-being for all men.

　　Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateralAmerican report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on thatlovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and humandignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of thisgreat opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.

　　I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things thathave been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the Americanpeople.

　　I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is adanger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hopeshould be shared by all.

　　Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallestmeasure the tensions of todays world, what more appropriate audience could there be thanthe members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in alanguage that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the militaryprofession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomicwarfare.

　　The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should havesome comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of theutmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct anintelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of todays existence.

　　My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for theseare the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.

　　On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the worlds first atomic explosion.

　　Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with whichthe atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNTequivalent.

　　Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceedsby many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells thatcame from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.

　　A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target adestructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. Thedevelopment has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional statuswithin our armed services.

　　In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capableof putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomicmight are not ours alone.

　　In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and thedesigns of atomic bombs.

　　The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.

　　The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resourcesto atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the UnitesStates possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopolyceased to exist several years ago.

　　Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a greatquantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greatersignificance.

　　First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.

　　Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability ofdevastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage andtoll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at leastdimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defensesystems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that theexpenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safetyfor the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does notpermit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor inpossession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack couldprobably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideousdamage.

　　Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would beswift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States aresuch that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliationcapabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressors land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.

　　To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi aredoomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop therewould be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, theannihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation fromgeneration, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggleupward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of thehuman race could discover victory in such desolation.

　　Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation anddestruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the great destroyers,but thewhole book of history reveals mankinds never-ending quest for peace and mankinds God-givencapacity to build.

　　It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wishto be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that thepeople of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.

　　So my countrys purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, tofind a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, canmove forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.

　　In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such asours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps willhave to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realizethat a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, aboveall else, that we must start to take these steps now.

　　The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried totake some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the recordhas long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate withthe Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood therequest of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same recordstill stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.

　　Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression ofwillingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, wewere pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previouslyput forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.

　　The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. Wewill bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conferencewith tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. Wenever have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what isrightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we haveno desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.

　　On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with theSoviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the Eastand of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required forconfident and peaceful relations.

　　Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, andthe countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, withnone a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond theturmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples todevelop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.

　　These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come toindependence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. Thereis a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoplesand to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. Theseare deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.

　　But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement ofpast deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter howdimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has notyet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.

　　In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committeeconsisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private anacceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the SecurityCouncil not later than September 1, of 1954.”

　　The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, isinstantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be principally involved,toseek an acceptable solutionto the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only thepeace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a newconception.

　　The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomicmaterials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of thesoldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casingand adapt it to the arts of peace.

　　The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can bereversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for thebenefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is nodream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, ifthe entire body of the worlds scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionablematerial with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly betransformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?

　　To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people andthe governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now. Itherefore make the following proposals:

　　The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, tobegin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uraniumand fissionable materials to an International Atomic Energy Agency. We would expect that suchan agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.

　　The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within thescope of the private conversationsI have referred to earlier.

　　The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of theUnited States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable orungenerous associate.

　　Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutualsuspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wideinspection and control.

　　The Atomic Energy Agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, andprotection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientistswill provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be madeessentially immune to surprise seizure.

　　The more important responsibility of this Atomic Energy Agency would be to devise methodswhereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, andother peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy inthe power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating someof their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.

　　The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with othersprincipally involvedthe development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energywould be expedited.

　　Of those principally involvedthe Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared tosubmit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, anysuch plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effectivepeacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] hadall the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the worlds atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of theearth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than inbuilding up the armaments of war; fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion andinitiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in bothprivate and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and isto make positive progress toward peace.

　　Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely topresent strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.

　　The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals andmilitary headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed orgovernors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.

　　To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and thereforebefore the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote itsentire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall notbe dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.

　　I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appearbefore them and in listening me -- to me so courteously.

　　Thank you.

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