罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助，罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。
罗斯福就职演讲稿
First Inaugural Address
Franklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福
1933.3.4.
演讲者简介：
罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will addrethem with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me expremy firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankneand vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distrecomes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornneand their own incompetence, have admitted
their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
Happinelies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of succegoes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeneof callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredneof our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy
of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of
transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
And finally, in our progretoward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congrein special session, detailed measures for their
fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states. Through this program of action, we addreourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our
international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first
consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progrecan be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all
ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our
constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loof a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every streof vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousneof seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
富兰克林.罗斯福第三任就职演讲 英文
Third Inaugural Addreof Franklin D. Roosevelt .
MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1941.
On each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have
renewed their sense of dedication to the United States.
In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld
together a nation.
In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation
from disruption from within.
In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its
institutions from disruption from without.
To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to
pause for a moment and take stockto recall what our place in
history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may
be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.
Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by
the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three score
years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the
fullneof the measure of its will to live.
There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that
democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited
or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some
unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging
wave of the futureand that freedom is an ebbing tide.
But we Americans know that this is not true.
Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a
fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the
midst of shockbut we acted. We acted quickly, boldly,
decisively.
These later years have been living yearsfruitful years for the
people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater
security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to
be measured in other than material things.
Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a
democracy which successfully survived crisis at home; put away
many evil things; built new structures on enduring lines; and,
through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.
For action has been taken within the three way framework of the
Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the
Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights
remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained.
Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their
dire predictions come to naught.
Democracy is not dying.
We know it because we have seen it reviveand grow.
We know it cannot diebecause it is built on the unhampered
initiative of individual men and women joined together in a
common enterprisean enterprise undertaken and carried through
by the free expression of a free majority.
We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government,
enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.
We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimit
ed
civilization capable of infinite progrein the improvement of
human life.
We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still
spreading on every continentfor it is the most humane, the most
advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of
human society.
A nation, like a person, has a bodya body that must be fed and
clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that
measures up to the objectives of our time.
A nation, like a person, has a minda mind that must be kept
informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the
hopes and the needs of its neighborsall the other nations that live
within the narrowing circle of the world.
And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more
permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that
something which matters most to its futurewhich calls forth the
most sacred guarding of its present.
It is a thing for which we find it difficulteven impossibleto hit
upon a single, simple word.
And yet we all understand what it isthe spiritthe faith of
America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the
multitudes of those who came from many landssome of high
degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to
find freedom more freely.
The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human
history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early
peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna
Charta.
In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been
the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this
continent was a new found land, but because all those who came
here believed they could create upon this continent a new lifea
life that should be new in freedom.
Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the
Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United
States, into the Gettysburg Address.
Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit,
and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from
themall have moved forward constantly and consistently toward
an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each
generation.
The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either
undeserved poverty or self serving wealth.
We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly
build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every
citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity
of the land.
But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not
enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and
inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the
greatest is the spirit.
Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could
not live.
But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's
body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the
America we know would have perished.
That spiritthat faithspeaks to us in our daily lives in ways
often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here
in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes
of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in our
counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks
to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those
acrothe seasthe enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we
fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the
privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.
The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy
spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789words
almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: "The
preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the
republican model of government are justly considered . . .
deeply, . . . finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands
of the American people. "
If we lose that sacred fireif we let it be smothered with doubt
and fearthen we shall reject the destiny which Washington
strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The
preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will,
furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may
make in the cause of national defense.
In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong
purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.
For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.
We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans,
we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.
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